As two big simultaneously rising developing nations, both China and India have been attracting a good deal of global attention, as well as between themselves. In recent years, while territorial disputes among some Asian countries have begun to surface, China and India have maintained stable and steady improved overall relations, with a relatively calm border region. Whether this will emerge as a make-do transient phenomenon or it demonstrates a well-thought-through long-term plan will not only shed light on the direction of future China-India relations but also may serve to exemplify a new path for neighboring nations to follow in the event of territorial disputes, and a model for how major powers should develop new-type relations. This article intends to focus on the course of China-India relations since 1988, from thaw to maturation, analyzing the features and causes, and projecting future trends.
I
It has been 63 years since China and India established diplomatic ties on 1 April 1950. Marked respectively by the 1962 border conflict and the 1988 historic China visit by Rajiv Gandhi, China-India relations can be generally divided into three phases: the friendly period prior to 1962, the freeze between 1962 and 1988, and the period of normalization and development from 1988 onwards. Within this latest phase, there has been a shift from relaxation of tensions to incremental maturation. Since the dawn of the new century, relations between the two countries have picked up momentum, with frequent high-level exchanges, steady progress in boundary issue negotiations, and comprehensive exchanges and cooperation on economic, cultural, military as well as multilateral issues. The two countries established the Strategic and Cooperative Partnership in 2005. Although the period since has been marked by occasional problems such as visa and border issues as well as Tibet, overall relations have been growing at a steady pace. In fact, when it comes to border disputes, China and India have found an effective approach to managing differences and promoting pragmatic cooperation and this is helping to carry forward their relationship to a more advanced stage.
The maturity of current China-India relations is evidenced in the following four ways. First, the Strategic and Cooperative Partnership has basically functioned as the general framework. As to the nature of China-India relations, there has been considerable debate in international academic circles. Some western scholars often compare China and India to the Dragon and the Elephant, and as such label their relationship as one of confrontation and competition.1 Such an assertion results partly from the deep memory of the 1962 war and the ensuing long-lasting hostility. It also reflects the reality that the border issue remains unresolved, as well as the confrontational perspective of the western tradition. Skeptics are also aplenty within both China and India, especially in India, where the so-called China Threat makes a frequent appearance in media reports. Faced with a public opinion environment that is less than favorable both internally and externally, both governments have been keeping a cool head. The two sides established the Strategic and Cooperative Partnership for Peace and Prosperity in 2005, setting the tone and clarifying the nature of their relationship with one another. Latest developments confirm that the Strategic and Cooperative Partnership has indeed stood as the guiding doctrine for the bilateral relationship. Despite their quarrels and new and old issues relating to border disputes, Tibet, and visa disagreements, as well as the trade imbalance, the determination of the two countries to carry forward the Strategic Partnership remains unshaken. Moreover, the two sides have cemented a series of consensuses through frequent high-level exchange visits, which in turn have enriched and enhanced the partnership. These consensuses include: The two countries are not rivals or competitors but are partners for mutual benefit. There is enough space in the world for the development of both China and India, and indeed enough areas upon which the two can cooperate. China-India relations go beyond their bilateral scope and have acquired global and strategic significance. The two countries are committed to resolving their outstanding differences on the basis of mutual respect and sensitivity for each other’s concerns and aspirations. China-India relations are not targeted at any other country, and nor will the relationship affect their friendship with other countries.1 In practice, the two countries have accepted each other’s peaceful development or rise and have begun to readjust to realities. In 2011, the two countries held the first Strategic Economic Dialogue, in which they engaged in an in-depth and frank exchange of views on the world economic situation, their respective domestic macro-economic situations, the goals and implementation of the mid and long-term economic and social development plans, with a view to learning from one another, conducting mutually beneficial cooperation, and promoting the development of each country.2 In addition to these bilateral accomplishments, multilateral cooperation has been an eye-catching success. China and India have kept close communication and consultation in multilateral forums such as the G20, BRICS, BASIC, and the Doha Development Round of WTO, and made concerted efforts on the issues of the international financial crisis, climate change, energy security and food security towards safeguarding the interests of vast numbers of the developing countries.
Second, differences and disputes are carefully handled and mutual trust and confidence vigorously enhanced. An undecided border remains the core issue that has long been holding back China-India relations. It is exactly because of both countries being too headstrong on this issue prior to 1988 that the bilateral stalemate came to pass. During his visit to China at the end of 1988, Rajiv Gandhi agreed in principle to de-link the border question from cooperation in other fields. This breakthrough paved the way for the ensuing normalization process between the two countries, as expressed in the Sino-Indian Joint Press Communiqué signed in the same year:“They [also] agreed to develop their relations actively in other fields and work hard to create a favorable climate and conditions for a fair and reasonable settlement of the boundary question while seeking a mutually acceptable solution to this question.” This principle has since been habitually reiterated in the bilateral official documents, and in practical terms it has been carried out with sincerity. It has evolved further into a form of de-linking of all differences from cooperation in other areas. The 2006 Joint Declaration by China and India points out that“both sides are committed to resolving outstanding differences, including on the boundary question, through peaceful means and in a fair, reasonable, mutually acceptable and proactive manner, while ensuring that such differences are not allowed to affect the positive development of bilateral relations.
It has to be stressed that de-linking the border question from cooperation in other fields does not mean that the issue has been shelved or avoided. On the contrary, China and India have bestowed unprecedented efforts in finding a peaceful solution, and secured significant progress in this regard. The two sides launched the mechanism of meetings between Special Representatives (SR) on the border issues in 2003, and agreed to a three-stage process, i.e. establishing the guiding principles, working out a framework for boundary settlement, and, finally, delineating and demarking the border line. The Special Representative mechanism facilitates in-depth discussions for SRs appointed by the top political leadership of the two countries, who are thus entrusted with higher political authorization. The Agreement on the Political Parameters and Guiding Principles for the Settlement of the China-India Boundary Question was sealed in 2005. As the first ever political document agreed upon since China and India started border talks in 1981, it was hailed as“considerable progress”or even“a [big] breakthrough”.1 The Joint Statement signed by the two countries in the same year further set the goal of pursuing an early settlement of the boundary question as“a strategic objective”. The Special Representatives have kept their regular meetings for a framework settlement and conducted 15 rounds of talks so far. Despite the slower-than-expected progress and enormous difficulties in reaching a final solution, both sides remain firmly positive about the mileage covered. Indian Special Representative Shivshankar Menon told the press at the end of 2012 that the two sides were preparing a common understanding report reviewing the long-running negotiation process on a framework for settling the boundary dispute.
Evidently, without a resolution of the boundary question, suspicion and distrust between China and India will not be eradicated. The trust deficit, if left to propagate, could bring about unnecessary damage and interference to the bilateral relationship. It is because of this that the two sides have made relentless efforts and harnessed remarkable progresses in confidence building. This is conducive not only to the effective maintenance of peace and tranquility in the border areas but also to a positive political atmosphere in the bilateral relationship. On the one hand, two agreements and one mechanism have played important roles in keeping the border areas“still”. The two agreements referred to are the 1993 Agreement on the Maintenance of Peace and Tranquility Along the Line of Actual Control in the China-India Border Areas and the 1996 Agreement on Confidence Building Measures in the Military Field Along the Line of Actual Control in the China-India border Areas. As the two countries do not see eye-to-eye on the position of the Line of Actual Control, in order to avoid misunderstanding and miscalculation, China and India constructed a Working Mechanism for Consultation and Coordination on China-India Border Affairs in January 2012. The Working Mechanism is tasked to address issues and situations that may arise in the border areas and to maintain peace and tranquility through timely communication of information.1 On the other hand, as an all-new field in bilateral ties, military exchanges have constituted an integral part of the confidence-building endeavors between the two countries in recent years. Chinese Defense Minister Cao Gangchuan and Chief of General Staff Liang Guanglie visited India in 2004 and 2005 respectively. Indian Defense Minister Pranab Mukherjee paid a visit to China in 2006. The two sides signed the first ever MoU on Defense Exchanges between the Armed Forces of China and India, and agreed to further strengthen defense ties. In 2007, China and India decided to conduct Annual Defense Dialogues, and so far five rounds have concluded. The two countries also held a series of joint exercises including the Joint Naval Exercise in 2003 and the Joint Training Exercises between the PLA and the Indian Army in 2007 and 2008. Military to military exchanges were brought to a halt in 2010 after quarrels broke out between the two sides over the visa issue. However, these were resumed by the end of 2011. A highlight of Chinese Defense Minister Liang Guanglie’s visit to India in September 2012 was the series of new consensuses on restarting and strengthening defense cooperation between the two sides. These include: strengthening high-level exchanges between the two Defense Ministries and the Armed Forces of both sides; establishing a mechanism for exchange of visits by young officers; promoting exchange visits by personnel at different levels and in various fields; further enhancing and strengthening cooperation between the naval forces of both sides in counter-piracy operations in the Gulf of Aden and off the coast of Somalia; and conducting the next round of joint military exercises at the earliest opportunity;1 The revival of military-to-military exchanges marks in a significant way the maturity of the China-India relationship, and works as a crucial stabilizer for its steady development.
Third, the scope and depth of bilateral ties continue to broaden and deepen. Economic cooperation is one of the most prominent aspects of China-India relations. Bilateral trade reached a historic high of 73.9 billion USD in 2011.2 This was 25 times and 284 times the respective figures of 2000 and 1991. China is currently India’s largest trading partner, while India is the 10th largest trading partner of China and the largest in the South Asian region. Major items exported from China include machinery, electric machinery, steel, and organic chemicals. India’s major exports to China include iron ore, cotton, plastics, and automobile parts. Apart from commodity trade, mutual investments have also grown rapidly. The Agreement on Bilateral Investment Protection and Promotion was signed in 2006, and this provided an institutional and legal framework for the promotion of mutual investments. According to statistics, Chinese cumulative investments in India to December 2011 amounted to 575.7 million USD and Indian cumulative investments in China to 441.7 million USD. Prominent Indian companies such as Dr. Reddy’s Laboratories, Infosys, and TCS have set up operations in China. Many large Chinese companies including Sinosteel, Sany Heavy Industry Ltd, Huawei Technologies, ZTE, and Haier have either operation or investment in India. During the Second China-India Strategic Economic Dialogue (SED) in 2012, intended mutual investments stated in the MoUs between the two countries totaled 4.8 billion USD. Since 2006 the two sides have successfully held five rounds of Financial Dialogues and kept close consultation on issues of general interest such as the global macroeconomic situation and policy responses and reforms of the international monetary system. Many Indian banks have established their presence in mainland China, and the State Bank of India was authorized to conduct local currency (RMB) business at its branch in Shanghai.1 The Industrial and Commercial Bank of China inaugurated their Mumbai branch in September 2011.
Finally, exchanges and cooperation between China and India in the areas of energy, science and technology, culture and people-to-people have also expanded across the board. In Energy Cooperation: the two countries signed the Memorandum on Cooperation in the field of Oil and Natural Gas in January 2006, and agreed to encourage collaboration between their respective enterprises through joint exploration and development of hydrocarbon resources in third countries. Prior to that, China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) and India’s Oil and Natural Gas Corporation (ONGC) had been working together as joint operators in Sudan for three years. At the end of 2005 the two above-mentioned companies announced that they had jointly won a bid to acquire 37% of Petro-Canada’s stake in the Syrian oilfields for US$573 million.2 China and India have also strengthened cooperation on clean energy and renewable energy. For example, China’s Ming Yang Wind Power Group, based in Guangdong Province, and India’s Reliance Power Limited signed a framework agreement on renewable energy projects worth 3 billion USD at the end of 2011.3 According to the website of the Indian Embassy in Beijing, China has also exported nuclear reactors to India in recent years, proof that substantial progress has been made between the two countries in civil nuclear cooperation. In Science and Technology Cooperation: in 2006, the two sides agreed to launch joint projects in the four following areas: earthquake engineering, climate change and weather forecasting, nano-technology with focus on advanced materials, and biotechnology and medicines with focus on bio-nano.1 A Memorandum of Understanding between China and India on Cooperation in Green Technologies was signed in 2010. Bilateral cooperation on information technology has also been strengthened. India’s National Institute of Information Technology and China’s Henan Province struck an 800 million USD deal on setting up an Information Technology Park in Henan. The two countries also agreed to jointly develop common standards for digital television and mobile telecommunication. In Cultural and People-to-People Exchanges: a series of activities including the China-India Year of Friendship through Tourism, the Festival of China in India and the Festival of India in China, the Year of Exchanges, and the Year of Friendship and Co-operation have brought cultural and people-to-people exchanges to new heights. From 2006, the two sides started to exchange youth delegations. Establishment of the China-India Outstanding College Students Exchange Programme was announced in 2010.3 From April 2011, Chinese was introduced as a foreign language in the curriculum of secondary education in India. Currently there are approximately 10,000 Indian students pursuing further studies in China, a large number of who are majoring in medical science. There are approximately 2,000 Chinese students studying in India.
II
The steady growth and gradual maturity of China-India relations over recent years is due to a number of factors. Objectively speaking, the convergence of national interests formulates the most crucial basis for the increasingly mature nature of this relationship. It is exemplified in two ways: first, China and India have similar strategic goals and share similar strategic considerations. An emphasis on development and the pursuit of growth sets the canvass for the peaceful coexistence of the two countries. Second, the two countries enjoy parallel international status and self-identify in similar ways. Common interests bring them together on many issues, in particular multilateral issues. A look at the development paths of China and India over the last two or three decades reveals a striking convergence in their strategic goals and strategic focus. Although they come from different starting positions, both countries have embarked on a critical transformation to restore economic development and national rejuvenation, and place this at the core of the national goal. As such, their diplomatic and security policies have been reoriented to create favorable external environments for such a purpose. Since the reform and opening up in 1978, China has been acting upon such a conviction. The recently-concluded 18th Party Congress of the CPC unequivocally reinforced it by setting two Centennial Goals, namely that China must have completed the construction of a moderately prosperous society in all respects by the time the Communist Party of China celebrates its centenary, and that by the same time China should identify as a modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced and harmonious. India launched its economic reforms in 1991 and experienced another phase of fast growth into the new century. A ranking member of the Emerging Economies, India stands ninth in the world in terms of GDP.1As a matter of fact, the“Indian Renaissance”and“Reclaiming India’s rightful inheritance as a Great Power”has been chartered as a strategic goal and a starting point for policies by successive Indian governments since the end of 1990s. In his speech given at the Chinese Social Sciences Academy, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh pointed out that even though the two countries’systems were different, people in both countries were united in their aspiration for a better future.“The development agenda has taken centre-stage in both our societies. The primary task of our foreign policy is to create an external environment that is conducive for our rapid development. Both India and China seek tranquility and stability in our immediate neighborhood and extended region.”2 It is precisely upon such similar strategic understandings that China and India have come to the realization that as two adjacent major countries sharing common mountains and rivers, they have in fact formed a Community of Common Destiny. To maintain friendly and stable China-India relations is in their mutual interest. As the saying goes, “harm to one and harm to all, prosperity to one and prosperity to all.” To accelerate economic development and improve people’s livelihood represents the most ardent hope of the two peoples...Similar experiences, similar national conditions and common challenges have deepened our mutual understanding, and made it necessary for us to support each other,”elaborated Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao in the speech made during his visit to India in 2010.3 The Joint Communiqué of China and India signed in the same year also reiterated that“The two sides welcome each other’s peaceful development and regard it as a mutually reinforcing process. They believe that their growing relationship offers increasing opportunities to advance their cooperation. There is enough space in the world for the development of both India and China, and indeed enough areas for India and China to cooperate.”Both big developing nations and emerging economies with common interests, China and India have kept close consultation and coordination on issues of global significance and in multilateral fora. Take climate change, for example. China and India, as two large developing nations with a sizable population who still live below the poverty line, have long held up economic development as their top priority. Meanwhile, as two fast emerging economies under the spotlight of the western media, they both face huge pressure to reduce emissions. Small wonder that on this issue the two countries have come to a kind of de facto alliance, as both need to strike a fine balance between economic development and emissions reduction. Global economic governance is another example. China and India share common goals in the reforms of the international monetary and financial systems and in boosting their own influence. It is China and India’s common aspiration to establish an open, fair, equitable, transparent, and rule-based multilateral trading system.1 The two countries also face the common challenges of stabilization of food and energy prices and improved regulation of the derivatives market for commodities. As such, they maintain almost identical stands on the above-mentioned issues and put in a concerted effort towards global economic governance reforms in important multilateral forums such as the BRICS summit, the G20, and the Doha Development Round of WTO.
Subjectively speaking, strong guidance from the top political leadership and intensified mechanisms of consultation and dialogue are two vital drivers of the steady improvement in bilateral relations, especially when considering that lack of confidence and disputes continue to exist.
“Piloted by the top” is indeed a stand-out feature of recent China-India relations. It is illustrated in the following two ways. On the one hand, the frequent exchange of high-level visits and direct contact between top leaders of the two countries have not only repeatedly reaffirmed the direction of the Strategic and Cooperative Partnership and strengthened bilateral ties, but have also, through timely communication and dialogue, helped to clear some roadblocks (e.g. the visa issue) and to eliminate certain unnecessary suspicions (e.g. the water resources issue). At the bilateral level, leaders of the two countries have continued to meet annually. They also meet in multilateral fora such as the G20, the East Asia Summit, and the BRICS Summit, of which China and India are both members. In order to strengthen high-level direct links, the two countries decided in 2010 to establish a mechanism for regular exchange visits between Heads of State/Government and an annual exchange of visits between the two Foreign Ministers. A telephone hotline between the Chinese Premier and the Prime Minister of India was also established in this year. In fact as far back as 2009, Premier Wen and Prime Minister Singh held several telephone talks to coordinate the position of the two countries for the United Nations Climate Change Conference, which was convened at the end of the year. During the Conference, they met each other and maintained close contact, worked together with other developing countries to put forward a position paper, and urged the developed countries to fulfill their obligations and commitments. This kind of cooperation and coordination effectively upholds the principle of “common but differentiated responsibilities”.1 On the other hand, top political leaders of the two countries maintain hands-on engagement in key and sensitive bilateral issues. As mentioned earlier, political authorization of the Special Representatives from the top leadership of the two sides ensures thorough and productive discussions on the border issue. This is also a manifestation of the constant attention and direct guidance on this issue from the top political leaders of the two countries. In fact, the Special Representatives talks in recent years have not been confined to the border question per se but have expanded into many other bilateral areas, a sign that these are evolving into a new platform for high-level strategic dialogue. As mutual confidence between China and India is still gathering pace, some media (mostly Indian) tends to exaggerate the disputes between the two. When untruthful reports and comments that have the potential to cause severe damage to bilateral relations, the two governments including top political leaders step in with timely clarifications. Here are two examples. There has been quite a lot of attention in India recently on the security of the trans-border rivers. Indian media reports maintained that China was planning to build a series of dams at upstream Yarlung Zangbo River (Brahmaputra in India) in order to“divert water from the West to the East”, thus affecting the water security of India’s downstream. China made several official clarifications on this matter. According to media reports, the Chinese Premier and the Indian Prime Minister discussed this issue during their meeting at the East Asia Summit in 2009. Prime Minister Singh later told his domestic audience that he“believed”that China had no such plans.1 The Chinese Foreign Ministry also clarified this more than once by stating that as a responsible country China would pursue a balanced policy of development and reservation in tapping the water resources of trans-border rivers, and would always fully consider the impact on the downstream region. The 2010 Joint Communiqué spoke highly of“the good cooperation between China and India in the field of trans-border rivers”. The Indian side expressed appreciation for “the flood-season hydrological data and the assistance in emergency management provided by the Chinese side”. Another example is the Indian media’s hype on the Chinese military“incursion”into the disputed areas controlled by India. Both the Ministry of External Affairs and the Defense Ministry of India made clarifications on this issue. The latest such statement from the Indian side was given by Defense Minister A.K. Antony when he admitted that“no report of Chinese incursion has been received from the government of Jammu and Kashmir in the last three years”during Chinese Defense Minister Liang Guanglie’s visit to India in 2012.
“Guaranteed by the mechanisms”is another stand-out feature of China-India relations. Exchanges between the two countries have been increasingly institutionalized in recent years, and mechanisms for dialogue are being constantly improved. In the political arena there are mechanisms for a regular exchange visits between top leaders and for annual exchange visits between Foreign Ministers, as mentioned before. On the boundary question, in the first place, there are the two Agreements of Confidence Building Measures, designed to assist the two countries to maintain peace and tranquility in the border areas. In the second, there was the launch of the Special Representatives mechanism, charged with the boundary negotiation. In the third, there is the conclusion of a new Working Mechanism for timely communication and emergency consultation on issues and situations that may arise in the border areas. So far, the border CBM mechanisms have been the most successful against a backdrop of military confidence being frequently challenged and interrupted during the two countries’simultaneous military modernization. In other words, peace and tranquility in the China-India border region over the last 20 years results mainly from the specific and strict stipulations of the two CBM Agreements. For example, the 1993 Agreement has the following principles: The two sides are of the view that the China-India boundary question shall be resolved through peaceful and friendly consultations. Neither side shall use or threaten to use force against the other by any means. Pending an ultimate solution to the boundary question between the two countries, the two sides shall strictly respect and observe the line of actual control between the two sides. No activities of either side shall overstep the line of actual control. The two sides agree to reduce their military forces along the line of actual control to a minimum level. Neither side will undertake specified levels of military exercises in mutually identified zones. In case of contingencies or other problems arising in the areas along the line of actual control, the two sides shall deal with them through meetings and friendly consultations between border personnel of the two countries. The 1996 Agreement includes even more concrete and detailed Confidence Building Measures in the military arena such as to reduce military forces, to avoid holding large-scale military exercises, and to cope with emergency situations in the border areas. In the field of defense, there are annual Defense Dialogues between the two countries. In the water resources field, the two sides have an Expert-Level consultation mechanism through which they exchange flood-season hydrological data of the trans-border rivers, and cooperate on emergency management. By the end of 2010, as bilateral trade continued to boom, the two sides decided to set up the Strategic and Economic Dialogue mechanism, a forum through which to discuss strategic macro-economic issues, enhance economic cooperation, and deal with problems such as trade imbalances. At the first SED in September 2011, five Working Groups were set up on policy coordination, infrastructure, energy, environmental protection, and high-technology. At the second SED, a number of MoUs were signed on cooperation in various fields such as railway construction, energy efficiency, and information technology.
III
Undeniably, China-India relations have not always taken the course of plain sailing, and they may yet encounter rough winds in the future. Their positions on the border issue are still distinct from one another, and an ultimate solution will take time. Their mutual military confidence remains fragile, and both countries are reluctant to relax preparedness because of the long-pending boundary question.“The third party factor”continues to cause trouble to the bilateral relationship. India, for example, is extremely sensitive to the All Weather Strategic Partnership between China and Pakistan, while China keeps a vigilant eye on the direction of the Indo-U.S. strategic tango. There also exist certain less-than-equitable elements in China-India economic relations, and amending the trade imbalance is not an easy task. With their coexistent gaining of strength and simultaneous expansion of interest, China and India will inevitably face new problems and challenges as their interests start to overlap and as competition surfaces. But equally undeniable is the fact that in recent years China-India relations have generally maintained stable and sound development, avoided abrupt fluctuations, and witnessed deepening cooperation. This not only secures a favorable external environment for each others’domestic development, but also contributes to the peace of Asia and the world.
Whether China-India relations can maintain this positive momentum in the future depends upon the following three aspects. First, can China and India stick to the course defined by the Strategic and Cooperative Partnership? This partnership is not so much a reflection of the current bilateral reality as a vision for the two countries to endeavor towards, given that taunting roadblocks such as the border question and the third party factor remain realities. Concerns in some western and India media over the relationship between the two countries are not completely unfounded. However, based on the above analysis, since its introduction in 2005 the Partnership has become a vital driving force in the advancement of China-India relations. The two countries have since been engaged in a range of strategic cooperation, and their Partnership is ever more worthy of the name. Two factors will determine whether China-India relations may stay the course in the future. One, is there going to be any shift of strategic focus for the two countries, i.e. will they continue to take development as the top priority? As long as they believe in the building of a nation through economic development and consider this their primary goal, the two countries will handle their differences particularly that of the boundary issue, with a sober mind. Two, are their relative positions in the international order going to change qualitatively? According to their international statuses, China and India currently belong to the same category or camp. Both are emerging economies and big developing nations. Is the difference in their comprehensive national strength going to converge or diverge? If the difference in their economic strengths becomes more apparent, the weaker side may overreact to any military discrepancy, thus disturbing the holistic assessment of the strength equation. This would then lead to a feeling of“threat".
Second, can China and India persist with the practice of seeking common ground while reserving differences and effectively managing their differences? Strategic cooperation is in fact a mutually readjusting process in which participants find ways to boost common interest and solve disputes and problems. Competing interests between major powers are unavoidable. Historical territorial disputes between neighbors are indeed zero-sum games. For China and India, both of whom are big countries and neighbors with territorial disputes, the key to their strategic cooperation is to effectively insulate the differences from the consensus. The two sides must enhance cooperation in areas of common interest and manage their differences and disputes in an effective way. The steady and sound development of China-India relations in recent years can be attributed to the fundamental principle of “de-linking the border question from cooperation in other fields”. However, as time passes, when talks yield much less than expected and a final resolution remains far from tangible, patience is likely to wear thin and the principle itself could become a target of suspicion. To seek common ground while preserving differences does not mean simply throwing disputes onto the back burner. It means having the proper attitude to take disputes by the nose, as well as the resolve to manage and ultimately solve them. It must be kept in mind that effective management of differences is of special significance when the disputes at hand are time-consuming hard bargains.
Third, are the political leaders of the two countries courageous enough? As shown in the earlier analysis, in recent years China-India relations have benefited enormously from the fact that the two governments, top political leaders included, have taken firm helms in guiding the overall direction as well as public opinion. What has to be pointed out is that despite their different political systems, the decision-making by governments of both sides on the sensitive boundary issue is still largely constrained by public opinion. Any further breakthrough would take much greater political courage and political resolute from both leaders. Whether political leaders are bold enough has something to do not only with the domestic political strength and authorization they enjoy, but also with their strategic vision and sense of historical responsibility. In handling complicated issues such as the China-India border question, it is crucially important that political leaders can jump out of the box of partisan calculations and electoral politics and proceed carefully with a panoramic view of the long-term national interest, the welfare of the two peoples, and peace in the region as a whole.
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